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Married women and men below the age of 40, who have unmarried or small children, very rarely perform navanu, as their daily business and household affairs does not allow them an absence of two months.
Out of these, about one third are diksharthis or candidates for the ascetic initiation. In this group girls are, in the clear majority, reflecting the fact that about two third of Shvetambara ascetics are women.
The dikshartis, women and men alike, perform navanu mainly in order to prepare themselves for the ascetic wanderings. The rest of the unmarried navanu participants below the age of 30 are almost exclusively women. They often perform navanu because they are told to do so by elder relatives, who want to prepare them for their religious duties as wives and mothers. Some of them, however, have chosen navanu on their own initiative or have been convinced by a friend to accompany her during the 99 fold pilgrimage.
Therefore, the holy mountain is particularly important in connection with the life of the first fordmaker, Adinath or Rshabha. He first established the Jaina community and Jaina kingship before renouncing it and becoming the first Jaina ascetic of our era.
Accordingly, during the period of his ascetic wanderings Adinath also performed the first pilgrimage to the eternal mountain Shatrunjaya. It is said that he performed the pilgrimage to Shatrunjaya as many as 99 purva times and that he delivered sermons on every occasion.
The most famous of them is Adinath's grandson Pundarik, who came to Shatrunjaya as his first disciple. He was also the first of countless saints, who are said to have attained salvation at the very spot. Therefore it is believed that only those people who collected sufficient spiritual merits in their previous lives are able to complete a pilgrimage to Shatrunjaya and that a successful pilgrimage guarantees salvation after some rebirths.
Thus, Shatrunjaya is seen as a ford to salvation in a very literal sense, because even though the Jaina doctrine holds that it is impossible to gain salvation in the current era of time, a successful pilgrimage is very effective in bringing a pilgrim closer to that remote goal.
When asked about the purpose of their pilgrimage, many pilgrims, not only the navanu participants, offer an interpretation of the very name of the holy mountain. Thus, pilgrims generally claim univocally that their pilgrimage was nothing but an effective way of striving for the purification of their souls by getting rid of karma and thereby getting a little closer to salvation.
In accordance with that premise the motto of many pilgrims is: The average lay pilgrim usually resides in a comfortable urban home and avoids to walk long distances in his or her everyday lives. However, when climbing the top of the mountain on foot everybody, not only the navanu participant, has to endure unfamiliar strains during his or her pilgrimage yatra to Shatrunjaya.
The physical efforts are considerably enhanced during the two months long navanu pilgrimage. While in general all pilgrims - not only navanu pilgrims - perform liturgical rituals and adhere to certain restrictions during their pilgrimages, only the navanu pilgrims navanu yatriks, navanu aradhaks oder navanu tapasvis are ritually bound by a pledge paccakkhan to a number of rules and restrictions over a period of two months.
Thus all navanu pilgrims have to adhere to the following four sets of obligations: The repetition of five liturgical rituals during each pilgrimage, 3. The performance of six alternative routes, and 4. The observance of a two or three days complete fast. The second set of rules refers to the daily repetitions of pilgrimages on the main route: All in all a navanu yatrik has to complete the pilgrimage to the main temple of Adishvar on the peak of Shatrunjaya times.
Furthermore every single pilgrimage implies obligatory liturgical rituals at the five prescribed sacred sites on the route to the main temple of Adinath. The first place of worship is located at the northern foot of the hill, which faces Palitana.
This rock represents the eternal, sacred mountain itself, which is considered to be tirthadhiraja, the king of all pilgrimage places. Furthermore the pilgrims worship Adinath, whose footprints are installed in several shrines around the Taleti rock.
Sometimes, the Taleti rock itself is said to symbolically represent the feet of the first fordmaker. Here, all the other four obligatory destinations are situated within the compound of the main temple of Adinath, which covers the south-eastern part of the peak. In fact, despite the great number of temples and shrines, the vast majority of pilgrims focus on these places only while performing their pilgrimage.
This main route also entails the second mandatory destination, the Shantinath temple. A sanctuary of the 16th fordmaker is included into the main route because this Jina is considered to have spent eight rainy seasons meditating on the summit of Shatrunjaya while observing a complete fast. This is believed to be the very spot were the first fordmaker delivered his sermons during his many pilgrimages.
Therefore, the tree itself as well as its leaves and fruits are an object for veneration. At all five destinations, the pilgrims have to perform a liturgical worship caityavandan of the main image present in each temple. The singing of hymns stuti and devotional songs stavan , in which the pilgrims refer to myths and legends related to the holy mountain and to the first fordmaker Adinath, forms the core of these rituals.
As I stated elsewhere,  by progressing on the pilgrimage route, every pilgrim regresses in time: However, while an average pilgrim quickly leaves Palitana and goes back to the linear time of everyday life, a navanu pilgrim repeats the journey to mythological eras as many as times and over a period of two months.
The severe austerities and the resulting physical strains of the pilgrimage are considered to strengthen the ability of a navanu pilgrim to overcome the transience of everyday life and approach the eternity ascribed to the sacred mountain. In enduring physical pain the navanu pilgrim clearly imitates the wanderings and daily routine of the ascetics, which were once initiated by Adishvar himself. The day is brought to an end by the collectively performed pratikraman ritual. Soon after the exhausted pilgrim goes to bed and sleeps early.
In order to complete the whole course pilgrimages on the main route in two months only, navanu pilgrims have to adhere strictly to that schedule, which enables them to perform an average of three pilgrimages a day. I also observed that the number of pilgrimages on the main route increases in the course of their stay. Thus, at the beginning they are usually able to complete only one or two pilgrimages a day but once they have gained some practice they may be able to climb the mountain as many as five times a day.
In this way they gain some additional time which they need in order to observe a third set of navanu rules. Last but not least the navanu pilgrims have to observe special rules of fasting in order to complete their pilgrimage. Usually they eat only one meal a day, but in the course of their two months long stay every navanu pilgrim must also completely abstain from all food and drink for at least two or three days.
During this time they cannot take rest but have to perform seven or eleven pilgrimages respectively. In general I perceived a strong mutual control among the pilgrims concerning the proper observance of these rules and rituals. In their view, the strict observance of a rule or the thorough performance of a mandatory ritual inspires others to do the same and guarantees the success of the pilgrimage.
Breaking a rule or neglecting a ritual is, on the other hand, considered to be a temptation for other pilgrims to do the same. Such behavior is, therefore, not only believed to reduce or destroy the karmic success of the pilgrimage, but believed to bring bad karma pap to the wrongdoer.
Accordingly, most of the pilgrims are convinced that the navanu observances are much easier to follow when they are performed in a group.
These navanu groups consist of at least 50 people and can be composed of as many as participants, but mostly have a size of people. From the first preparations to the actual performance of the pilgrimage, the sponsors and all the other lay participants are constantly supervised by at least one Acarya and his disciples, who belong to the ascetic branch which is affiliated with the respective local lay community.
During the two months  sojourn time in Palitana all navanu participants stay in one of the 83 pilgrim hostels. However, if the hostels which comply with these preconditions cannot host all navanu pilgrims of his group, a sangha pati might also choose a bigger hostel associated with a different local community. At any rate the pilgrim hostel of a navanu group functions as an independent unit: In the assembly hall, the pilgrims listen to lectures given by ascetic preceptors and regularly elaborated pujas are performed here.
In larger groups the pilgrims might also gather for the sermons in the inner yard, where for that purpose huge canopies are installed. At the same place each morning and evening the male lay pilgrims collectively perform pratikraman with the male ascetics, while the lay women join the female ascetics in their quarters for the same purpose. In the eating hall, all lay pilgrims eat together according to the strict Jaina dietary rules. Some days before the end of the rainy season the lay people of a navanu group usually take a private car or bus from their urban residences in order to reach their hostel in Palitana.
For the same reason, ascetics and devoted lay people do not perform the pilgrimage to the top of Shatrunjaya hill during this season. Nevertheless Palitana is frequently chosen as so-called comasu quarters for Acaryas and their disciples , who might afterwards continue their stay to supervise a navanu group of lay people, affiliated to their own particular ascetic branch.
During the days, which precede the beginning of navanu, the Acaryas start to prepare the lay people of their particular navanu group for the ongoing austerities with daily sermons and presiding over elaborate rituals, pratikraman-rituals and long processions from their hostel to the foot of the hill.
Thereby the daily shared routine in the hostels creates an exceptionally intensive interaction between all participants, lay people as well as ascetics. The above exemplification of rules and rituals has shown that navanu is an extraordinary expression of lay religiosity, which imitates the ascetic mode of life yet places great emphasis on collective mutual support.
I also accompanied them during some of their pilgrimages, even though, I have to admit, I never completed 99! In my case study I focus mainly on four girls who were between 18 and 21 years old: Priti,  Neepa, Joshika, and Latika. They belonged to a friendship circle of Marvari girls from Bengalaru.
One of them, 20 year old Priti, had decided to perform navanu and consecutively convinced her best friends, Neepa and Joshika, to join her. Though Priti was the most experienced of the three friends with regard to ascetic practices,  Joshika had turned out to be the unofficial leader and spokeswoman of the group. Before that she had talked her younger sister Latika into accompanying her, Priti and Neepa to Palitana. Joshika also invited her cousin Vidhya , who was in her late twenties and already married, to join their pilgrimage.
Vidhya, however, rather acted as a silent observer than as a bossy elder sister and did also not complete navanu herself. That particular group was sponsored by a sangha pati of Marvari origin and was lead by the Acaryas Kanakratnasuri und Jayshekharsuri of Mohansuri Samuday.
In the beginning she reluctantly joined a navanu group of participants, which was sponsored by a sangha pati of Gujarati origin, led by Naivardhansuri of Ramcandrasuri Samuday and stayed in the Sabarmati Bhavan. When meeting these girls the first time some days before the beginning of navanu they appeared to me as very typical young Jaina women, resembling those whom I had met earlier in different Indian towns and suburbs. They stepped out of the air conditioned bus which had brought them a long distance from their metropolitan homes, dressed in well-tailored and fashionable salvar kamiz, and looked a little out of place on this dusty road in front of their hostel in Palitana.
During our first meetings on the next days they acted according to my expectations: Their conversational topics were quite the same as those of other girls, whom I had met in their urban homes.
For example, though none of them was already engaged they frequently indulged in discussions about future marriages. However, when I asked them whether they had decided to perform navanu pilgrimage in order to find a suitable husband, they hurriedly answered in the negative. Like many other pilgrims they argued that in contrast to Hindu pilgrims, they do not give a vow manta that connects the pilgrimage with a mundane aim, such as finding a good marriage partner, gaining prosperity for the family, or ensuring health.
Somewhat precociously Priti explained to me that […] the only motivation of pilgrimage is to get rid of karma. This is only possible while performing aradhana , ascetic practice.
While I secretly wondered, if she knew what she was talking about, or if she just had repeated what she had heard, this first conversation shifted quickly to less severe topics. For instance, I learned that two of them had widely travelled through India and abroad, but all of them claimed that they missed their family at home already after the first day. At the same time I got the impression that while being away from home they enjoyed a kind of freedom which was new to them. However, most strikingly, they were highly ambivalent with regard to the ritual routine.
For example, the four friends used to sit on the veranda in front of their shared room joking with each other thereby almost forgetting to attend a sermon or one of the elaborate rituals in the assembly hall that lasted for hours during the preliminary days. Some of the older lay pilgrims felt it necessary to reprimand them repeatedly for doing so. Moreover, female ascetics regularly paid visits to their room, in order to remind them of the very reason for their stay in Palitana.
Several times I witnessed how these girls courteously and decently received these advices, often with an open show of honest acceptance or even abashed regret. Though the girls showed a more or less carefree attitude in the beginning, I never observed them to violate the rules which were regulating their stay in Palitana. For instance, in accordance with the strict vow of celibacy, I never saw them talking even casually to any men, except for their brothers or fathers who had accompanied them to Palitana and later regularly came to visit them.
The girls clearly cherished the special measures which were meant to guarantee the careful segregation of sexes, for example by setting up fences in the tents of the assembly. Although they, according to their own reports, were used to a relaxed coeducational atmosphere in their colleges, the girls welcomed these measures because they were considered to prevent sexual harassment and thereby promote a relaxed atmosphere within the whole group.
As Joshika expressed it: With the exception of Priti, who had initiated the navanu project among their friends and now continuously tried to motivate them, the girls rather anxiously listened to the stern instructions given by the Acaryas regarding the manifold navanu restrictions. If the young women talked to me or to each other about the upcoming challenges of navanu, they mostly expressed their fear of not being able to meet the expectations. For example, during the three daily meals which were served in their hostel, they enjoyed eating high calorie dishes and usually discussed the coming abstinence of culinary pleasures with a clear sigh of regret.
Furthermore, they very hesitantly got used to abandon their footwear and even before starting the actual pilgrimages they spent a lot of time to treat their feet with cold cream in order to better prepare them for the anticipated strains.
When the big day of Kartika Punam had come, the girls, like all the other pilgrims, got up very early, at 4: When I met them at 5: While the group proceeded to Jay Taleti, the foot of the hill, they seriously joined in singing devotional songs, but were carefully tip-toeing around stones and holes, in order to prevent their bare feet from being hurt on the unpaved road.
Arriving at Jay Taleti, the northern foot of the mountain Shatrunjaya, which faces Palitana, all the six girls got very excited in view of the huge masses of pilgrims, which had come for performing their first pilgrimage to the top of Shatrunjaya after the end of the rainy season.
Moreover Kartika Punam is a holiday dedicated to Dravid and Varikhil, two other grandsons of Adinath, whose spiritual liberation on the mountain Shatrunjaya is remembered and celebrated on that day. Even for Indian standards the rush was immense. It was hardly possible to find enough space for performing the twenty one ritual prostrations ekvis khamasmana ,  which are a mandatory part of the caityavandan ritual on that day.
Though the four girls from Bengalaru earnestly tried to follow this important ritual with devotion, at least three of them appeared strained even before commencing the actual climbing. Due to the mass of pilgrims the ascent to the mountain was even more tiresome than on other days. As a consequence two of the girls got exhausted before having completed one third of the route. Very early they complained about suffering stitches in the side. Latika, the youngest, even burst out into tears and felt completely discouraged.
Catching her breath, she asked her mates: However, her friends did not allow her to take a rest or to drop behind.
They firmly took her in the middle, holding her hands and telling her to go on. This companionship is typical for all navanu pilgrims, who usually prefer to walk in the company of other members of their navanu group. According to their sex, age, stamina and pace they form smaller units, which often stay together for the whole period of two months.
While slowly continuing on their first pilgrimage the four girls of my case study openly expressed their admiration for the younger and well trained male and female ascetics, who literally sprinted up the hill on a small alley that was reserved for them. These ascetics usually ascended the mountain by taking two steps at a time and in double pace when compared to most other pilgrims. During this very first navanu pilgrimage of the girls from Bengalaru even I was able to overtake them easily and after a while I admittedly got impatient.
I left them before reaching the top of the hill as I did not want to miss the rituals, which took place in the compound of the main temple of Adinath on that day. When I paid the four friends a visit on the evening of the same day, I found them lying on their mattresses, where they had dropped after returning from evening pratikraman. Despite the dazzling neon lights Latika was already fast asleep, but the others were very ready to talk about their experiences.
Even though they looked very tired, they were obviously very excited and proud of having successfully finished the first day by performing even two yatras. When I asked them about the hardest task of their first day they univocally explained that they suffered most from not being able to satisfy their thirst. In fact, navanu pilgrims must observe strict rules with regard to drinking. First of all, they cannot drink anything else than boiled water garam pani.
Secondly, they must abstain from drinking water until they have completed one pilgrimage. Thirdly, if they continue their pilgrimages on the same day, they may only take water two more times before returning to their hostel. Moreover, in accordance with the strict dietary restrictions the girls did neither eat nor drink anything after their evening meal of the previous day. Apart from their thirst they also complained about their paining feet which were swollen and pierced by thorns because they were not used to walk barefoot.
Thus, during this early stage of navanu bodily strains were emphasized by the girls when describing their experiences. Compared to these sufferings spiritual progress was only a random topic. Even when the girls broached the issue of religious devotion, they immediately turned to a discussion about the physical stress they had experienced.
For example, they expressed a deep regret that it had not been possible to have a proper darshan of Dada Adishvar in the main temple, because the masses of pilgrims had pushed from behind and prevented them from having a free sight for more than a few seconds. They also complained that it was very hard to focus on meditative rituals, which are mandatory during every single pilgrimage. Thus, every navanu pilgrim must complete the chain of prayer beads jap 10 times, while silently reciting the nokar mantra.
If one of the girls diverted her attention and forgot a liturgy she was gently reminded by others to start the whole procedure all over again, something which happened to the girls several times because of their physical stress and exhaustion. When visiting the girls in their hostel during this first week I could observe that the tone of their reports stayed quite the same. Not the religious experiences, but the physical strains formed the center of all their discussions.
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